Imagine that the whole world is just one street. On this street there are a few buildings, just like multi-family-houses. Each house is one continent. So Europe is one of seven houses on this street. It’s not too big, it’s not too small. Just as big as you need to move in with so many families as we have countries in Europe. And each country is one family.
We moved in very long, long time ago. We had bigger and little disputes between the neighbors. It’s obvious that there was once a flood (example: Swedish Flood), sometimes for a short period somebody tried to throw out the others (example: World Wars). But overall our life here isn’t so bad. Sometimes we visited ourselves and drunk tee and share our gossip news (example: kings and queens and princes from the Middle Ages until the Age of Enlightenment) and we tried to fix our neighbor strategy. We borrowed our money each other and shared our discoveries (example: process of the industrial revolution). For some years we try to live in peace and we even plant our flowers together on the verandas. In the meantime we don’t need to visit each other personally, we just call (there are so many packages on good terms now!) or we send an e-mail.
Some of us founded even a union, a living community. Every now and then one of our neighbors assumes a leadership and tells us what we should do and motivates us to do it.
And this is a task for you:
Imagine you want to have one of your neighbors as your guest. Which one of us would it be? Everybody knows that you have to act a host well, but what does it mean to you? There is a Polish idiom „A guest at home is like God would be at home”. What would you serve to eat? What would you discuss with your visitor? Which room of your apartment would you show him and why? What would you try to hide under the rug swept or what would you have placed for these days in your basement? How would you introduce your family and which members of your family would you like to have on your side?
And if you were a guest? How do you imagine that? What are you expecting from your neighbour? What should he show you? What are you looking particularly at? Is it the family situation or emancipation of your neighbor’s wife? Or is it the trophies from the whole world collected by your neighbor?
Which advices would you give to your neighbor anyway?
Cogito ergo sum (I think, so I am). Share your opinion with us! Write your comment below!
Berlin celebrated the Fall of the Wall, but also the "Polish Round" Table or the "Velvet Revolution" in Czeckosolvakia belong to the historical occurences of the year 1989. That's why the Heinrich Böll Foundation takes over the national borders further persepctives. The 20th anniversary of "Die Wende" is accompanied by numerous festivals, movies and publications in the Middle East of Europe. I'm mostly interested in the following:
The Brussels office of the Heinrich Böll Foundation created in collaboration with the offices in Prague, Moscow, Tbilisi, Kiev, Zagreb, Sarajevo and Belgrade a brochure in German and English language to the topic “Twenty years after: post-communistic countries and European integration”. Authors analysed the today's position of the post-communistic countries in Europe and had a look at the future of the continent.
I heard that Polish Independence Day is strongly connected with general Jozef Pilsudski. After being feed from German prison Pilsudski came back to Poland on the morning of Sunday 10th November 1918. Only a handful of people new about his arrival and came to Warsaw’s Vienna Station to welcome him. On November 11, 1918 the Germans and the Allies signed the agreement to end the First World War.
What for a new patriotism intends to build the president of PiS? [PiS – Prawo i Sprawiedliwosc = Law and Order – AB]. Maybe just a variation of Radio Maryja [ojciec Rydzyk is a radical Polish priest who has own TV Trwam and radio station Radio Maryja which are strong right-wing oriented and he uses his influence in politics – AB ] under the leadership of the new doctorand Rydzyk and his army of mohair [supporters of Rydzyk are mostly old people who likely wear mohair caps, therefore, they are called 'mohair' - AB]
A president of Poland wouldn't say something like this. There is one home country that is like a mother and you should love it one way.
Today we celebrate the 91st anniversary of the re-winning the independence after 123 years of divisions under the Prussian, Russian and Austria governments. Poland showed once more on the European map and therefore, on the world map, too.
These 91 years is a short and a long term at the same time (There are Poles who were born in the divided Poland, they are not the majority, but they are still alive).
These 91 years were for Poland a very stormy period of time with a “short” stabilisation.
1) so called XX-lecie międzywojenne (= 20 years between World Wars)
- structure of state and administration organs, justice and army and that all after damages of the World War I
- fight for the borders of the new state (we won the uprising in Great Poland [Wielkopolska], partially, we won uprisings in Silesia, referendum in Warmia and Masuria, and Silesia, more over the defence of country against Bolsheviks from the East)
- the economic and law system weren't coherent, because there were three different systems from three division's powers. None of them suited to the new country. A quick unification of a law system was needed, the same was with economic and financial system. An own currency was made:
- defence system that was left after division's powers was put in the middle of the new country [according to the division's borders during divisions - AB] and it didn't fulfil the requirements of the new state. We had to build new defence system on new borders, develop army and school soldiers.
-education – preparing and publishing of new school books, development of new pedagogues
You could simply give up, because the situation was hopeless.
It is a wonder how our grand grandparents could deal with these gigantic matters and solve them over one generation. Without patriotic attitude in the whole society this real economic, political, social wonder in Poland wouldn't be possible. We, Poles, have to appreciate and we have to appreciate the work of our grand grandparents. You shouldn't forget it was work of a multinational and cross-cultural society. However, they didn't have Father Rydzyk and his beloved Radio Maryja. Therefore they had Piłsudski, Paderewski, Kwiatkowski, Grabski and many others people from that epoch. They didn't talk about PR, but they worked hard and build everything from basics. Germans banned the Free City Gdańsk [Polish: Wolne Miasto Gdańsk], then Poles built another harbour Gdynia and connected it with Silesia and the so called coal centre there. They made the new currency: złoty polski.
They unified and codified the law. Polish code of commercial law was a flag ship recommended internationally.
They built Polish School of Mathematics and their graduates helped significantly with decoding of among all Enigma and developed a (de)coding machine.
2) World War II 1939 – 1945
- we already wrote about it much, so I limit myself to a great respect towards so called Columbs Generation. This generation successfully defended new Poland and didn't cooperate with German and Soviet occupant. Therefore, they paid a great price: blood and sufferance.
[Pokolenie Kolumbow – Kolumben-Generation, Columbs Generation, also known as the generation of the time of the dust or the fulfilled apocalypse, is a description of the young Polish poets and authors that had to experience their youth during the second World War, this generation fought actively against the occupation, among others in the Warsaw Uprising. The name came from the book title “Kolumben, year 1920” from Roman Bratny. This generation couldn't experience joy or happiness because of the war, instead of a passive attitude they chose the fight and died numerously – AB]
3) years of PRL = Polska Rzeczpospolita Ludowa [People's Republic of Poland] from 1944 as PKWN was founded (Polski Komitet Wyzwolenia Narodowego: The Polish Committee of National Liberation) under the patronage of Kremlin up to the partially free elections to Sejm and complete free election to Senat at 4th SORRY SPAM ! 1989
Once more we had to bring order after the war damages. The whole country was destroyed. What wasn't stolen or damaged by Germans, was used by Soviets. The first spontaneous joy after winning over Hitler's Germany and because of ending up the horrible war passed quickly by. It seemed to many that so called liberator was a new occupant and set his new order very quick. Poles who were against the new rules that was forced to them were caught into prisons or even murdered according to falsified judgements of judges who were bought for announcing it.
As cause of so called farmer reform and nationalisation of industry, the whole property was taken by the country from the previous owners and in this way, country became the biggest, aggregated capitalist who suppress others.
People didn't accept and didn't understand the regime that was set with force. It was a system with orders and allocation systems and made of us grey citizens. The only right way was set by the only right party PZPR (Polska Zjednoczona Partia Robotnicza, The Polish United Workers' Party). Everybody who didn't suit to the norms was branded and put aside. The society felt living in non-free land, as slaves, but it didn't let to suppress itself. The governments in Kremlin knew it, because they let some eases to avoid any great explosion – as you could hear over some corners.
They tried to laugh put Poles as they said "kurica nie ptica Polsza nie zagranica". On the other hand, they said with admiration: “Poles are like radishes: outside red and inside white”.
No wonder that among all Poles were the avant-garde of political and social changes in Europe as it was offered to them.
We will surely someday get professional analysis and comparisons about thing which you can see with a blank eye even today: it all would not happened without Poles, who re-won they independence on 11th November 1918.
4) 4th [b]SORRY SPAM ! 1989 started a new chapter in the history of independent Poland [/b] and it looked so that it wasn't any easier task to deal with it than in 1918. At that time we hadn't any organs, administration, no coherent law, no fluent cooperations, but there were “Holy property rights”. As Antek [like Mr Smith in the UK] had 6 morga [morga = A morgen was a unit of measurement of land in Germany, the Netherlands and the Dutch colonies] under the Prussian, Russian or Austrian Caesar, then it was his property. He could deal with it the way he wanted. This was a great social power that could move mountains. The country could in the case of emergency take him his property away and then give back. After 4th SORRY SPAM ! 1989, a re-privatisation was made and this was the Achilles heel. No coherent rules and no clearness of this re-privatisation process were leading to poverty and disappointment among many social groups and it caused careers of many populist politicians. Just some Poles earned great fairy-tales fortunes. The meeting of “new rich ones” and politicians who were power-addicted mixed the relationships and roles and that caused no sense in the governing of country.
Law that should treat everyone in the same way was law that was used by some cooperations. We are on the best way to make out of Poland a Republic of Cooperations like it was in the Middle Ages: The Republic of Aristocrats. What it caused was losing the independence for 123 years.
Therefore, I am optimistic. Why?
1. Polish society learns and becomes smarter.
2. Although many economic troubles, we become stronger in the economic area.
3. As a country we are a member of the EU.
Let us celebrate the 11th November as the Independence Day of Poland!
Interesting observations. I think that more important than marketing is what happened. We are in Europe. Let us enjoy it, learn, observe how the other deal, make the new style and our own strategies. Let us be the example! All changes require time....
What jab wrote was very interesting. It allows me to have a better picture of Poland, because there was a causal chain of occurrences presented, whereby you could better comprehend everything.
In the face of the described ceremonies on 9th of Nov. there was an article in “Die Welt”:
“With references to the celebrations for the 9th of November it is the time to think about the German identity again. Differently to the citizens in the European neighbouring countries nearly no German has a national consciousness. So it would be the time to develop one.
As I appealed a few days ago on the same place to announce the 9th of November a national commemoration day, there were a lot of angry reactions. In my opinions this reactions show that a lot of Germans still have an unbalanced relation to their own history. I notice that their valuation is taken from two complete different fractions: Some would like to prohibit everything right away, what's concerned with being German or Germany.
The others deny any personal reference to the German past. They call for the mercy of the late birth and don't want to deal with that, what Germans once did in the name of Leader, nation and fatherland.
Germany is clearly a nation. But unlike our neighbours France or Great Britain we couldn't manage until now to fill the German nationality with content. We didn't manage to develop a reflective consciousness what it means to be a German. So literally we didn't develop a national consciousness.
But the tabooing of the idea of national consciousness creates a vacuum, that right-wing extremists will use for their aims. It is time, that the Democrats fill this vacuum.”
I agree: we do need a debate, that operates not only national but international. We do need a self-image, that we could develop through the self-image of others. The Germans aren't a consistent nation, there are still Ossis and Wessis [nickname for somebody form the eastern -Ossis – and the western – Wessi – part of Germany; an allusion to the east-west partition – MS], there are a lot of foreigners, that integrate themselves and there are some, that watch the populist patters of the NPD etc. We do need a debate about who we are. The same reasons, that played an important role in Poland and let to the common experiences (war, Communism, partition), we could look at and estimate from our perspective. But we'll need the help from our neighbours, that pay attention to us and that can tell us, what they like about us and what not.
By order of Identity Foundation in Düsseldorf, there is a research project “The national Identity of Germans” at the University of Hohenheim and it analyses two basic questions:
1. How Germans see today their nation?
The attitude of Germans to their nation was always difficult. But which meaning has the national identity for Germans. What means the often described “relaxation” of Germans by dealing with own nationality in the last 20 years?
2. And what is German on being German?
What makes our national identity so special? Where are differences to Swedish, Argentinian or Italian people and us?
The research project should be a contribution about sources of German identity and the range of its faces and characteristics.
Therefore, following factors should be analysed:
# strength of connection with the nation and proud of the nation
# sources of connections
# relationship between Germans and history of their nation
# estimation of future challenges of the national country
# willingness to involvement and feelings of duty
# the range of faces of the national identification of role models, national tensions in a row of globalisation and regionalism and perception of the solidarity in the society
These results will be summarized in the project report “To be a German – a new proud in accordance with the heart”. I am curious about it and I would like to hear your opinion about it.
Lately, we had to read something about it, becuase we talked about national identity at school. We had to analyse a paper by Karlfried Knapp (Erfurt) 'What's German? Remarks on German Identity'. It was very interesting for us to discover Germany through its history and culture. The development of German history is a good example of the fact that the ideological heritage of any culture has the potential of being used by its members in the same way, be it positively or negatively. It is not an unchangeable constant, but is interpreted differently in different periods in history.
According to present currents in anthropology, a culture can best be described as a system of knowledge shared by its members (Keesing 1974). Such a system is broadly determined by the global views and values rooted in the history of ideas of the respective community. One important area of this history is the development of the prevailing ideology. This is true, of course, also of the German culture, and in fact it can be said that religion is historically the first and by far the most influential factor in shaping German identity. However, it is not Christian Occident that matters here; an origin it shares with all other Western cultures. Rather, it is the impact of the Reformation, particularly of Lutheran protestantism. The Reformation exerted an important influence on many European cultures. However, its results were different according to whether it was the Lutheran or the Calvinist version. There are fundamental differences between these two, differences that explain many cultural distinctions, especially between Anglo-Saxon and the German culture (Weber 1920/1972; Troeltsch 1925).
Then the German idealism and the search for universal and eternal truths is not a collective project. They can be found by an individual thinker only, concentrating on himself and his subject matter in seclusion and - as it was called - "heroic loneliness" of his study. A loneliness, in which the points of reference for the scholar were quite naturally the established great works of the titans of thinking of past millenia rather than the immature and incomplete thought of contemporary colleagues. This explains why the humanities in Germany are that much more oriented towards history than e.g. in Anglo-Saxon countries. All this is also a reflection of the idealist assumption that a more advanced knowledge is accessible to a small, chosen elite only. From the beginning of the 19th century, this was the educated bourgeoisie, the "Bildungsbürgertum", which separated itself from other groups of society not so much on the basis of its economic position but rather on the basis of its education. This education, mirroring the idealistic ideas that led to the foundation of Berlin University, was humanistic, with an emphasis on philosophy, history and the classical languages. Humanistic training was offered at an elitist institution of secondary education: the "Gymnasium". Other, more practical forms of knowledge were taught at less prestigious types of schools. The status attributed to humanistic education becomes apparent, too, in that science and technology were not included into the idealist concept of culture and that - on the tertiary level of education - they were up to the middle of this century not taught at universities but at "Technische Hochschulen" or "Ingenieurschulen" - the very designations indicating their inferior reputation.
As a result of the Napoleonic wars and in reaction to French imperialism - quite in agreement with the Lutheran world view and idealism - early in the 19th century the idea of a "strong state" developed. German intellectuals felt that in the competition among the emerging European nations a strong Germany was necessary. The practical consequences of this idea were the militarization of the state and the enhancement of governmental effectiveness by introducing codified laws, rules and objective procedures for the functioning of an efficient, pervasive bureaucracy. For these laws and rules to be effective, they had to cover all possible bureaucratic decisions. Under the influence of idealism, this meant that they had to be numerous, general in their coverage, and neither favour nor discriminate against anybody. A corollary of this modernization, then, was equality before the general law. It is worth mentioning here that different from, e.g., France or the Anglo-Saxon countries, it was not an emancipated bourgeoisie who took the lead in this development, but the ruling caste. It is particularly the Prussian noble Freiherr von Stein who was influential in this reform. The development of the German bureaucracy, certainly the first step towards modernization and one that has been so important for what even today is regarded as typically German, thus was introduced top down, as it were.
Quite in line with this "top down" approach to modernization, it was the state itself that was the most important driving force, the largest entrepreneur, behind the industrialization of Germany during the 19th century, supported by major banks and huge industrial trusts. Part of the leading role of the state was the fact that laws introducing social security and the protection of women and children against dangerous work and exploitation were not that much introduced as a result of class struggle, than by a paternalistic Bismarck.
The German welfare state thus had its origin to a large extent in this caring attitude of the state and its leaders. That it was - at least in the 19th century - not the working class or the bourgeoisie that pushed this social achievement through, can be seen as a consequence of the Lutheran worldview: the active shaping of the world is a task of those put into the position of political leadership - subjects should not participate in such public affairs, but obey. This holds for all the other areas of modernization mentioned.
However, modernization and industrialization more and more dissolved the traditional corporate structure of German society, where every individual had his or her predetermined place, knew how to act in social life and could concentrate on his or her inner religious or moral perfection. Industrializiation caused an enormous migration of population within the borders of the state thereby changing the normal surroundings not just because of large technological plants such as coalmines and steel works, but also by a reshaping of the social structure. Social groups such as the workforce and/or the craftsmen - it was also from this latter group that some developed into an affluent section of a productive middle class - still had to find their place in society. The development of a new social order required individuals to have to see to their own social welfare and to the practical details for their lives much more than ever before and so, they had to take a public stance for this issues. The educated middle class in particular felt to be alienated by these effects of modernisation. This led to a tension between the Protestant inwardness and idealism on the one hand, and the perspective based on a modern, social and technical rationalism on the other hand. This tension between the religious and philosophical ideals and between the consequences of social and technical progress are characteristic features of a fourth and undoubtedly very important determining factor of German identity. This continued to grow in the second half of the 19th century. In the cultural sphere, it had its culmination in the glorification of the past first as a nostalgic and then as a reactionary movement. This attitude is expressed in late Romanticism and particularly in the works of Richard Wagner. In the social sphere, there was an increasing preference for a particular form of social organisation i.e. for "community" (Gemeinschaft).
This concept can be traced back to Ferdinand Tönnies (Tönnies 1887; Dahrendorf 1965). In 1887 Tönnies made the distinction which still holds in present-day sociology between "society" (Gesellschaft) and "community" (Gemeinschaft). To put it simply, "society" refers to the free organisation of individuals at the level of a state based on a social contract whereas "community" refers to the organisation of individual in a manageable social unity based on primordial bondings and affiliations. In a "community", trust, intimacy, agreement and shared moral values are dominant, all the social actions are honest involving the whole personality of the individual. In a "society", however, anonymity pre-dominates and social actions are motivated by changeable, arbitary goals and by taking into consideration what is merely useful so that dishonesty and hypocrisy can be used as means to attain these ends and the participation factor can be a case of sheer vanity. In short, "community" is warm and personal, but "society" is cold and impersonal. Both an hostility to technology under the guise of idelism and a preference for community are still very common in present-day society.
In conclusion, another determining factor should be mentioned if the contemporary manifestations of German identity are to be adequately covered. This refers to the consequences of the Third Reich after 1945. The defeat of Nazi barbarism cast doubts upon an uninterrupted continuation of the traditional, cultural ways of thinking and behaving and opened up Germany to other cultural influences.
A by no means unimportant factor was the influence of American culture working through the "re-education" programme carried out by the Anglo-Saxon victors and also through the present social and cultural internationalism (Dahrendorf 1965). This is obvious not only (in the sense of George Ritzer) that, since that time, German society has become "McDonaldised" (Ritzer 1993). The external consequences of social rationalisation of people's life-styles are accompanied by a widespread acceptance of values oriented more towards "society".
The willingness to participate in the political process has increased so that even forms of civil disobedience of the protest movements are now very common. The developments described by Inglehart as the change in values of the modern age have not left Germany untouched (1977). In education, for example, today's German parents place even more value than twenty years ago on the development of their children to become self-motivated, independently minded individuals with the result that values such as order, obedience and a sense of duty quite clearly no longer have the importance that was previously the case. In contrast to the traditional German stereotype, a large part of the younger generation is disconcertingly hedonistic; they no longer see the state as a community to which they are bound by their membership, but instead, it is for them more a service organisation offering its services (Klages 1984). Individualism for most of today's Germans is no longer primarily rooted in an inward looking religious outlook, but is more a case of an individualistic, totally self-centred participation in public life. One positive consequence, however, of this orientation toward "society" is Germany's firmly based democracy in the country.
History also shows, however, that the consequences of the fundamental determining factors in German culture can also be very negative. This is illustrated, for example, by the effects Protestantism and idealism had on individual ethical responsibility. In complete conformity with this way of thinking, the sociologist Max Weber took the division between religious and philosophical subjectivism on the one hand, and the objectivism necessary in modern society on the other hand, to the conclusion that ethics are ultimately a private matter (Weber 1971:377-379; 549-560). This released for example the Prussian officials or officers from having to justify their behaviour in their professional life as long as they acted within the law and obeyed the orders of their superiors. In fact, they only had to bear responsibility if they, in any way, deviated from this course of action. Thus a type of person emerged from those who were active in the political and social sphere whom Max Weber designated as the "moralist of conviction" (Gesinnungsethiker): a person who sticks to his convictions quite independently of the practical consequences of his ideological motivation and moreover, quite independently of the consequences for other people.
From this ideological background, the characteristics such as servility, blind obedience, dogmatism, inflexibility and discrimination against others originated. These were the very same characteristics the Nazi ideology exploited to the most horrifying extreme. The shocking success of this ideology resulted in their extremely subtle use of the anti-modern feeling in the German population by appealing to romantic sentiments with the idea of "community" with the notion of "the people's community" instead of society. They also knew how to direct both the "community" ideal and the anti-modern and anti-progress attitudes to obedience to a totalitarian regime and to an enthusiastic acceptance of technology based on the idea of a "strong state".
What was very interesting for me:
Generally, most explicit German manifestations of patriotism are suspect. Any salute to the flag as for example is the case in many US schools would be regarded by most Germans of today as an attempt at nationalistic indoctrination, and the enthusiastic patriotism which the American public displayed towards the invasion of the tiny island of Grenada or in the war against Saddam-Hussein's Iraq had, to put it mildly, a very embarrassing effect on the German post-war generation. Patriotism in Germany usually takes the form of constitutional patriotism i.e. being proud of the "Basic Law" (Grundgesetz) set up by the founding fathers (and mothers) of post-war Germany to lay the foundations for modern, democratic Germany. The "Grundgesetz" is generally seen as sacrosanct in public opinion and as the arbiter for all political activities. This is reflected by the fact that it is very difficult to implement any changes in the "Grundgesetz" or even any changes in ist interpretation. By this constitutional law, the political participants in Germany have a very limited sphere of action. For example, the reluctance of the German government in the Gulf War or in the Bosnian conflict to involve German soldiers to support their western allies in any actions outside the NATO field of action can be traced back to the fact that according to the Basic Law the German armed forces can only be sent into action for the defence of Germany or the allies. Even more, any substitution of the "Grundgesetz" by another constitution is out of the question. Although in 1949 the "Grundgesetz" was envisaged merely as a provisional constitutional structure for West Germany which was to be replaced after the re-unification of the two German states by a common constitution, any attempt after re-unification in 1990 to put a new common constitution of this kind on the political agenda was doomed from the start. Thus, quite in line with the history of ideas, The German's uncertainty about their national identity is balanced to a large extent by a clearly codified set of laws.
It is, however, important to note that this uncertainty applies only to former West Germany. Whereas the Federal Republic was exposed to the cultural influences of the West after the Second World War, which triggered a change in values, East Germany was generally left untouched by foreign influences - except, of course, for the adoption of numerous external formal features and structures in the economic and social spheres taken from the Soviet Union. Many of the old Prussian values and virtues were, however, able to survive beneath this surface. They were kept alive by the communist regime and used to their advantage, as in for example, the distribution of awards for duty, discipline and order. The orientation towards "community" was highlighted in the socialist collectives and the welfare state structures were further developed into all areas of life almost to the point of coddling the people.
The most interesting difference between East and West Germany concerns, however, the significance of the nation for its own cultural identity. Unlike Federal Republicans with their bias towards the West, East Germans tend more towards defining themselves as members of the German nation. This is not very surprising in view of the fact that very few international and intercultural contacts were possible for them under communist rule. In addition, there was the fact that East Germany still continued to be scientifically and technologically superior to all the other states in the former Eastern Block resulting in its privileged position in COMECON and giving rise to national pride among the citizens. For this reason, an inconspicuous national consciousness is more obvious in the new federal states than in West Germany. Because of re-unification, the idea of nationhood as a feature of identity is once again entering into the consciousness even of West Germans as a symbol of identity. It is, however, still unclear what significance this will have for the growth of a future "united- German" identity and for the practical policies of German governments.
Only the future will show whether those areas of ambivalence will sort themselves out or how this process may take place and what effects the basic determining factors of the German cultural history will have on the further development of a German identity. It is, however, obvious that this development will have a crucial influence on Germany's role in a united Europe.
Be Lovefool is a very nice idea! I liked the book and I will participa in the summer campain for lovefools
Helena
13-06-2010 18:59
Anna, this is a great project! You are a truely interesting and creative person! Don't stop integrationg Europe!
Peter
07-06-2010 21:51
Ich beneide Scholar Online, da das Team stets so viel erlebt! Ihr seid überall! Weiter so! Verunsichere Europa!
BK
22-05-2010 17:51
Flutwelle in Mittel- und Osteuropa. Mein Mitleid für alle Betroffenen aus Tcheschien, Polen und anderen Ländern!
Jule
15-05-2010 18:27
Polen und Russen setzten den Versöhnungskurs bei der 65. Siegesparade in Moskau fort. Scholar fördert die europäische Freundschaft. Mach weiter so!
Marie
14-04-2010 18:17
10th April Smoleńsk was tragic. But much more tragic is what is happening in Poland right now. RIP was yesterday. Now, it's fight club!
Luise
11-04-2010 23:17
Lech Kaczynski wird uns auch in Deutschland fehlen. Der tödlich verunglückte Präsident war mehr als die eine Hälfte eines Zwillingsduos an Polens Spitze.
Chrissi
11-04-2010 12:27
I'm sending my love, prayers, and DEEPEST sympathies to the people of Poland. May God be with you through this tragic time.
Peter
10-04-2010 20:11
Es wird vermutet, dass das Flugzeug von Kaczynski beim Landeanflug im dichten Nebel Baumkronen gestreift hatte. Mein Beileid an Polen.
Tom
10-04-2010 18:23
Polish president killed in plane crash in Russia..... This is just tragic. My prayers go out to the entire country.
alan
10-04-2010 17:09
ich bin kein Fanatiker der PIS, dennoch der Zusammenhang mit Katyn ist schockierend für mich.
Yaro
10-04-2010 16:47
President Lech Kaczynski wanted to revisit the past. He did it unwillingly. I am sorry for Poland for loss of the President and much of the nation's ruling elite.
Joline
10-04-2010 16:45
Tragedy in Russia: President of Poland and many important politics are dead in plane crush. Poland, we pray with you!
CLX
10-04-2010 13:04
I still can't belive. Polish president Lech Kaczynski and other important people died in crush plane near Smolensk. It's Polish tragedy.
Raik
10-04-2010 12:56
#RIPLechKaczynski My condolences for families of Lech Kaczynski and other victims of the plane crash near Smolensk, Russia. Poland, we pray with you!
#443 | Magda dnia 11.11.2009 14:32
The [Polish] President said: we have to build new patriotism – this way started the celebration of the 91st National Independence Day in Poland.